An anti-locality requirement for extraposition from subject

Roč.73,č.2(2025)

Abstrakt
Locality has long been regarded as a key factor constraining "non-local" syntactic dependencies. There has also been proposed another locality requirement, Anti-Locality, which prohibits "too-local" syntactic dependencies. This paper aims to account for the (im)possibility of extraposition from subjects in terms of Anti-Locality. Johnson (1985) observes that extraposition is only allowed from the D-structure object position. Put differently, extraposition from subjects of unergative/transitive predicates (henceforth, external subjects) is prohibited, whereas extraposition from subjects of unaccusative/ passive predicates (henceforth, internal subjects) is allowed. We argue that this contrast is best explained by Erlewine's (2020) Spec-to-Spec Anti-Locality Condition. Building on Fox – Nissenbaum's (1999) QR-and-late-merger analysis of adjunct extraposition from objects, we propose that adjunct extraposition from subjects is derived via two distinct operations: parallel movement of host NPs (Chomsky 2008) and late-merger of adjuncts (Lebeaux 1988). A host subject NP undergoes covert focus A-bar movement and overt A-movement simultaneously, with an extraposed adjunct introduced in the derivation via late-merger. Under a cartographic view (Belletti 2004; Cruschina 2011), we propose that the landing site for the host NP's covert focus A-bar movement is the Spec position of TP-internal Foc(us)P, and that extraposition from external subjects is ruled out precisely because covert focus A-bar movement of the host NP from Spec,vP to Spec,TP-internal FocP violates the Spec-to-Spec Anti-Locality Condition. The Anti-Locality analysis further predicts that when an additional XP—such as a sentence adverbial—intervenes in the host NP's movement path, extraposition from external subjects should be permitted, avoiding Anti-Locality-violating configurations. We demonstrate that this prediction is borne out.

Klíčová slova:
extraposition; anti-locality; subject island; TP-internal FocusP; late-merger

Stránky:
8–34
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