Coordinate structure constraint: a-/a'- movement vs. clitic movement

Vol.65,No.2(2017)

Franc Lanko Marušič Rok Žaucer

Stable URL (handle):
http://hdl.handle.net/11222.digilib/137682

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Abstract
We discuss cases of apparent Coordinate Structure Constraint violations in Slovenian. We show that when two non-finite clauses are coordinated, clitics can front to the second position in the main clause from the first non-finite clause but not from the second, and an accusative argument can scramble to a position in the main clause from the first non-finite clause but not from the second. We argue that the apparent island violations result from post-syntactic movements and are thus not real island violations. Exhibiting typical properties of post-syntactic movements, clitic climbing and scrambling should thus be seen as PF-phenomena.

Keywords:
coordinate structure constraint; clitic climbing; scrambling; island violations; non-finite complementation; Slovenian

Pages:
69–85
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